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Moment or Movement? Gen Z revolution – An uprising that toppled Nepal’s legacy of politics

The price that was paid – will the revolution suffice to cover the financial loss and create a story of upbuilding from the helm of anarchy? Over 7 cities that burned for 5 days, with 90000 case files burnt in the Supreme Court, 2500+ buildings damaged, 12000+ vehicles burnt, 2113 people injured, 76 deaths (including 3 policemen), and a loss of 80 billion to the country's exchequer. The article delves into the Nep .....

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Moment or Movement? Gen Z revolution – An uprising that toppled Nepal’s legacy of politics

The price that was paid – will the revolution suffice to cover the financial loss and create a story of upbuilding from the helm of anarchy? Over 7 cities that burned for 5 days, with 90000 case files burnt in the Supreme Court, 2500+ buildings damaged, 12000+ vehicles burnt, 2113 people injured, 76 deaths (including 3 policemen), and a loss of 80 billion to the country's exchequer.

The article delves into the Nepal Gen Z uprising in Sep 2025, which not only voted out the previous prime minister’ K.P. Sharma and his party , but also brought a single party the ‘RCP’ to power with a majority for the first time in 30 years. It remains to be seen whether the change will have an impact beyond the strength of today’s youth and contribute to the nation-building effort, which saw a record 8 lakh new voters (67% Gen Z) registered for the first time.

Nepal’s New Government is thirty days old, its reforms are ambitious, and three former prime ministers are under investigation. Whether it is a moment or a movement, only time will tell.

The beginning of the resolution: the outcome that convinces us there is ‘hope’ even after 30 years:

Yes, an outcome that at least promises better reforms. On March 27, 2026, a 35-year-old former rapper and structural engineer named Balinder Shah was sworn in as Nepal’s youngest Prime Minister in history. Out of the total 275 seats, Shah-led RSP captured 182 seats, a record never seen in Nepal’s democratic history, not even during the country’s first democratic elections in 2008, when the Maoists overthrew the monarchical system and democracy actually came into existence in Nepal. And Shah did not disappoint. Within 48 hours in his office, he and his cabinet had approved a 100-point government reform charter. This was one of the fastest Major policy announcements in Nepal's democratic history. Within a week, he had arrested a former Prime Minister and opened money-laundering investigations into 3 other prime ministers: KP Sharma Oli, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, and Sher Bahadur Deuba.

Meanwhile, the average age of G20 leaders remains above 60; the prime leaders of leading economies around the world, including America, Russia, China, and India, are above 70 years old. In some countries, the same political families have held power for decades. The systems they’ve built have become the inherited infrastructure of governance for billions of people who had no say in designing these systems.

Today with 11 countries experiencing movements similar to Nepal’s - it shows that nothing is permanent. Today's youth are holding elected officials accountable for their votes. A generation that grew up online, voiced its grievances through hashtags, and organised on TikTok and Instagram has transitioned from street protests to parliamentary representation. Nepal is the most recent and advanced example, but it is not alone.

The question the report tries to answer is whether the world is witnessing a moment- a temporary rupture that the existing structure will eventually absorb, or a movement- a genuine generational shift in how power is held and exercised. The evidence in this case is genuinely mixed, so the research report carefully and without premature conclusions brings the current data to light neutrally and leaves the decision to the reader.

The system that failed Nepal:

The scenic land of the Himalayas and Mt. Everest has not seen a Prime Minister complete their full term ever since the country began democratic elections in 2008. The prime ministership candidacy was juggling among KP Sharma Oli, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, and Sher Bahadur Deuba, mainly to safeguard their own political interests.

The youth employment rate in the country stood at 20%, amid which the country’s youth resorted to social media platforms to learn and earn. Many small businesses sold refurbished electronics, secondhand clothes, handmade jewellery, and tutoring services on Instagram. Students were studying on YouTube, and people were connecting with their relatives on WhatsApp. A country with 14.8 million daily social media users was frustrated by the lack of real jobs. While an average Nepali struggled with poverty and food insecurity, the lavish lifestyle of wealthy Nepalese politicians and their kids immediately stood out. The public started trolling them on social media and hashtags such as #nepokids # ban nepokids started surfacing online.

To curb the social media backlash against the nepo kids, on September 4, 2025, then Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli announced a ban on social media in Nepal, a move that ultimately proved fatal to his political career. The government banned 26 social media platforms, including WhatsApp, Instagram, YouTube, and Facebook. This action affected more than 50% of the Nepalese population, who depend on social media daily for income, communication, and entertainment, as it was their primary source. Within 48 hours, the protests spread from Kathmandu to cities and small towns across the country, where Gen Z went rogue to show their anger, agitation, and frustration with the government. By sept 8th, the government responded with live ammunition, where 76 people died, following which demonstrators set the parliament on fire, leading to the resignation of K.P. Sharma Oli.

Former Chief Justice Sushila Karki was sworn in as Nepal’s first female prime minister to lead the interim government before the election could take place on 5th March, 2026.

While the authors of this article acknowledge the reasons for this uprising, they don’t support and encourage the methods adopted, including burning down the parliament.

What’s New under Balendra Shah’s leadership and the digital governance reforms in Nepal:

People call him ‘Balen’, out of love, respect, and hope. ‘Balen’ is our hope, we think of him as our own. He speaks like us and thinks like us. That is why we like him’. This is one of the many comments on posts shared on social media groups created for his support.

Balen is young, energetic, and speaks in a relatable local language. With a background as a former rapper, he uses a tone familiar to young Nepalese rather than formal political language. Before becoming Prime Minister, Baleen served as Kathmandu’s mayor from 2022 to 2026, showcasing his governance style. He digitised municipal services and banned illegal construction, which had continued for years due to political connections between developers and builders.

His party, the Rashtriya Swatantrata Party, was also founded in 2022and has no donors or connections to any political families. So when such a party formed by common people bags 182 seats out of 275 total seats and forms the majority, it is a testament to Balen’s hold over Nepal’s young generation and their belief in him. It is the strongest democratic mandate Nepal has seen since its first elections in 2008.

Within the days of taking the office, Shah’s government arrested KP Sharma Oli, who ordered a live ammunition crackdown, resulting in the killing of 76 protesters, along with Former home minister Ramesh Lekhhak. He also initiated a money laundering investigation on three former prime ministers, Oli, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, and Sher Bahadur Deuba, all of whom are not fringe politicians; they have been navigating Nepal’s political landscape for more than a decade. Together, they represent a class of politicians who have governed- rather failed to govern- Nepal for the past 30+ years.

Balen also announced the formation of an investigation committee with a mandate to examine the wealth of every political leader and public official who held office in Nepal from 1992 to 2026. Every senior political leader and reputable public official falls within its scope.

The following table highlights some of the noteworthy proposed policy reforms from Balen’s 100-point contract:

Reform

Detail

Timeline

Faceless digital services

Passports, licences, citizenship via integrated digital system using National ID. There would be no unofficial fees and no counter visits.

Immediate

Digital File Tracker

Citizens can monitor application status  of their any government application online, in real time

Within 100 days

"Once-Only" principle

All departmental databases integrated — citizens submit data once, not repeatedly, and the best part, same data can be sourced to fill any government paper or a form. There is no need to submit data to different ministries.

Immediate

Government Courier Service

Doorstep delivery of government documents

Within 100 days

Digital Personnel Management

Digital profiles for all civil servants, performance KPIs. Each citizen can check what their leader is suppose to do.

Within 30 days

E-signatures & national platform

National digital governance platform with expanded e-signature use

Immediate

Real-time grievance system

Citizens can file and track complaints digitally with mandatory response timelines

Immediate

Data sourced from the available internet sources like google, compiled by Claude.ai

Each of these proposals is significant. The once-only principle, which integrates all departmental databases so citizens can submit their information once, is something India has been trying to implement for years. Nepal is proposing to do it in merely 30 days. The KPI system for tracking the progress of Government employees is another revolutionary change; however, implementing these policies poses technical, governance, regulatory, and economic challenges, including the technical infrastructure needed to sustain these changes.

Is it a moment or a movement- The time will tell:

Time is a great leveller’ as it goes, and we need to give them time before we pronounce our judgment. If it is a moment, the old systems and structures—deeply embedded and well-rooted in the system—will absorb the disruption and regain power. Sri Lanka’s Aragalaya protests in 2022 exemplify a recurring political pattern: a significant disruption occurs, people celebrate change, but the underlying power system quietly reasserts itself. During these protests, students, farmers, lawyers, shopkeepers, religious leaders, and the broad middle class stormed the presidential palace to oust then-president Gotabaya Rajapaksa; he fled the country overnight. Yet, the same parliament that ousted him elected Ranil Wickremesinghe as the new president. Wickremesinghe, a six-time prime minister and entrenched figure in Sri Lankan politics, was considered highly experienced. A year later, USIP reported that Sri Lanka was still grappling with the same debt crisis and remained under IMF supervision. The face of leadership changed, but the underlying system remained intact. The same applies to Nepal: the 100-point contract is just 30 days old, the asset investigation committee has yet to release findings, the digital tracker isn’t operational, and the bureaucracy remains unchanged. Currently, only the intent exists. It is uncertain if this intention remains once the power ball begins to settle. Even in India, we have seen the formation of AAP from the ashes of the Anna Hazare anti-corruption movement in 2011. Although the party began strongly with high expectations, winning the Delhi elections twice and expanding to Punjab, recent defeats, ongoing controversies, legal issues faced by party members, and leaders (Raghav Chadhha and a few others) leaving the party have cast a shadow over its future.

If Balen’s government succeeds in delivering this ambitious 100-point contract and in restoring Nepal’s political and economic stability, it could spark a movement and serve as a model for other countries. Balen is poised to become a role model for South Asia and the broader world.

Replacing the long-standing oligopoly in the rotational power system over the past 30 years reveals the monopolistic tendencies of political structures. It’s surprising that it has taken so long to implement change and that politics primarily serve the interests of those in power. The Nepal transition moves from an oligarchic political system to an inexperienced team - 30 days old. The resignation of a scandal-ridden minister within 30 days raises questions about the appointment process and the commitment of those responsible to weather rough waters. Will this new momentum turn into a genuine movement, or will it succumb to personal agendas? New faces, same old outcome – except for the excitement that took 30 years to reach the outlet.

So far, this appears to be a positive change, but it's unclear if it will be a durable, long-term, and sustainable improvement. The incident originated from the blatant misuse of wealth by ‘nepo kids', which initially gained attention on social media. The penultimate decision to 'ban the social media platform’ ended up costing the government. Wise people say, ‘never shoot the messenger’ and the Nepal Incident confirms why. Leaders cannot be deaf and mute towards the very people who elected them. The youth took to the streets, burnt everything on the way and even 76 bled fighting for their rights, and this marked the beginning of Nepal’s Movement journey - revolution to resolution.

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Abhijeet Rajkeins

Editor-in-Chief for Finance, Business and management, Economics, Capstone, and CDR department

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